The Battle for Bangladesh: Students Lead the Charge Against Autocracy
Bangladesh is witnessing a renewed wave of student-led protests, pushing the Awami League (AL) government to the brink of collapse. Once again, students are challenging autocracy and demanding democracy, continuing a legacy of resistance that the AL regime seemed to have forgotten.
A Legacy of Student Resistance
Historically, university students have been at the forefront of all major political movements in Bangladesh. In 1952, 18 students sacrificed their lives in the Language Movement, demanding that Bengali be recognized as an official state language. This movement marked the beginning of the struggle for independence from Pakistan, commemorated by the countries many Shaheed (see Figure 1) Minar monuments and by 21 February, now recognized by the UN as International Mother Language Day.

Figure 1: The main Shaheed Minar, or language martyr’s memorial, in Dhaka. Source: Roehl, Karl Ernst. (2006, February 13).
During the 1971 Liberation War, students were central figures and were specifically targeted by the Pakistani army. Their legacy is honored through various statues and monuments on campuses across the country (see Figure 2). In 1991, students led the pro-democracy movement that ousted military dictator Muhammad Ershad, reinforcing the belief that controlling students is key to ruling the country.
Political Manipulation of Student Movements

Figure 2: Shabash Bangladesh statue at Rajshahi University. Source: Grambangla. (2013, March 20).
Recognizing the historical influence of student movements, Bangladesh’s main political parties, the AL and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), have maintained powerful student wings to exert influence on university campuses. Since 2009, the ruling AL has tightened its grip on power, transforming a competitive and at times violent democracy into an increasingly one-party state autocracy. The AL’s student wing, the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL), acts as its militant enforcer to quash political dissent, particularly on university campuses.
As the party of independence, the AL has systematically sought to hijack and weaponize the memory of the independence struggle by engaging in what could be labeled as memorial populism. This tactic divides the political landscape by portraying AL supporters as the pure people of the nation, while branding opponents as enemies of the state and labeling them as terrorists or “Razakars” – a derogatory term for those who collaborated with the Pakistani army during the Liberation War. This narrative aims to delegitimize dissent and consolidate power by invoking historical grievances. The legacy of student sacrifice and heroism, upheld by the BCL, now seems to be backfiring against the AL regime.
The Prelude to the Current Quota Reform Movement
In an increasingly authoritarian environment, opportunities for protest against the AL regime are severely restricted. Single issues, such as the quota system, serve as a channel for expressing broader discontent. These protests represent a form of democratic bricolage in a country where leaders seek to silence opposition by restricting access to information, government jobs, and political forums.
Recent significant student movements, such as the road safety protests and the initial quota reform protests in 2018, exemplify this trend. These movements, which lack central leadership, have been challenging for the government to control and reflect a deeper dissatisfaction with democratic erosion.
In 2018, students rallied against a quota system that reserved 30% of civil service positions for the children and grandchildren of freedom fighters, 10% for women, 10% for underdeveloped districts, 5% for indigenous communities, and 1% for physically challenged candidates. The main criticism was that the quota system left insufficient room for merit-based recruitment and was used for nepotism. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina temporarily suspended the quota to quell the unrest, while the AL’s student wing used force to suppress the movement – an election-year strategy that maintained the status quo.
Over the past decade, the focus has shifted from controlling the students to controlling the bureaucracy. To consolidate its power, the AL government systematically placed loyalists at all levels of the administration, including allocation of police posts to BCL members. This led to widespread corruption and graft, further exacerbating public discontent. Pervasive corruption, repression of freedoms, and a slumping economy have fueled the ongoing student protests. In many ways, the quota reform movement represents a confrontation between the legacy of student resistance and the entrenched power of the bureaucracy.
The Current Protests: A Showdown Between Students and Bureaucracy
On June 5, 2024, a High Court decision to reinstate the controversial quota system reignited the student movement. By July 7, blockades had spread across the country, catching the government off guard. The response was far harsher than in 2018. On July 16, six protesters were killed in clashes with the police and the BCL. Since then, the government has imposed a nationwide telecommunications blackout, deployed the army and declared an indefinite curfew with a “shoot on sight” order.

Figure 3: Abu Sayeed moments before he is fatally injured by the police. Source: https://www.newagebd.net/post/country/240421/bullet-hit-abu-sayeed-dies-of-internal-haemorrhage-rmch-doctor-#google_vignette
As of now, at least 197 people have been killed and thousands injured, with many victims still unaccounted for due to the blackout. Many people have been arrested. The extent of the violence will likely only become clear once the internet is restored.
The mounting casualties and circulating images of violence are devastating for the Sheikh Hasina government. The death of Abu Sayeed, captured on video with his arms outstretched in front of security forces, has become a powerful symbol (see Figure 3). This image is reminiscent of Noor Hossain’s martyrdom during the 1987 pro-democracy movement against Ershad, which the BBC highlighted in a 2020 article entitled “Noor Hossain and the image that helped bring down a dictator.” (see Figure 4) This evocative image and its connection to past student struggles poses a significant threat to Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, whose administration has long promoted the memory of student sacrifice and heroism in the fight for self-determination and democracy. As Sheikh Hasina’s repressive tactics are exposed, calls for her resignation, justice, and the restoration of democracy grow louder with each passing day of violence and repression.

Figure 4: Noor Hossain in Dhaka in 1987, moments before he was shot dead by police. Source: Dinu Alam.
The AL government is striving to control the situation. On Sunday, July 21, the Supreme Court, acting in line with the regime, decided to reduce the quota to five percent for the descendants of freedom fighters, and one percent each for ethnic minorities and transgender. The regime is attempting to reshape the narrative surrounding the protests through two main strategies: first, by claiming that the general demands of the students have been met, thereby implying that there is no longer a legitimate reason for the protests to continue; and second, by claiming that the real perpetrators of the violence and destruction are not the students themselves, but rather agents or “terrorists” associated with the BNP-Jamaat opposition who have allegedly exploited the situation for their own ends. This dual approach seeks to delegitimize the ongoing protests while simultaneously shifting the blame to political opponents – an old and trusted method. However, this narrative will be difficult to sustain in the face of widespread human rights violations committed.
The protests appear to have subsided for now, with the protestors issuing a 48 hour ultimatum to the government on Monday, July 22, to restore the internet, provide protection to the protest organizers, remove all law enforcement from campuses, and lift the curfew. The situation remains uncertain as students appear resolute in their movement, continuing to demand that the government step down and restore democracy. Reports indicate that over 500 people, particularly from the opposition, have been arrested, and that a certain curfew will remain in place at least for some time in the future. Personal sources suggest that new protests will erupt once the telecommunications blackout is lifted and the full extent of recent events becomes public. There will likely be efforts to expand the movement from student-led protests to a broader movement involving the general population and the opposition. As of this writing, the government is cautiously experimenting with restoring limited and restrictive Internet access in certain areas for short periods of time. However, recovering from this crisis will be challenging due to the extensive bloodshed and the numerous videos and images that have yet to be released. At the same time, the government cannot maintain the curfew and internet restrictions for long, as these measures will directly affect the livelihoods of the general population across all economic classes, further exacerbating their discontent. The prolonged imposition of such restrictions is likely to intensify public discontent, making it increasingly difficult for the government to manage the crisis effectively.
What Happens Now?
Increased Repression and Authoritarianism
One possible scenario is that the government remains in power and becomes even more repressive. Authorities have charged at least 61,000 individuals in connection with the recent unrest. The majority of these individuals remain unidentified, signaling a potential extensive legal crackdown in the near future. The AL’s control of the military, state security forces, and the bureaucracy, including the judiciary, could enable Sheikh Hasina to stay in power, at least in the near future. However, this would likely result in Bangladesh being considered a pariah state, facing sanctions from the international community. The corruption and authoritarian practices of the ruling AL make many party members wary of regime change, which could lead not only to legal consequences and revenge violence by the opposition, but also to further political and potentially economic turmoil. This narrative of a lack of credible alternatives also supports the AL’s continued rule, as the main opposition BNP lacks organizational strength and political legitimacy. Many see the BNP as merely another side of the same coin, similarly tainted by corruption and authoritarian tendencies during its tenure.
Military Intervention and Temporary Caretaker Government
Another scenario involves the military forcing the government to step down and installing a temporary caretaker government to oversee a return to democratic processes, an option that has been viable in the past. This time, however, there are significant obstacles to immediate military involvement. The Awami League (AL) has systematically captured the military leadership over the past decade. While rumors suggest that some junior officers have expressed solidarity with the movement, it seems unlikely that the military will turn its back on the current regime without international pressure. Unconfirmed sources suggest that the military has set up checkpoints but has not complied with the government’s “shoot on sight” order, indicating it may be keeping its options open. Nevertheless, there is currently no indication that the army will overthrow the Sheikh Hasina government, as many within the military have benefited from the regime. Meanwhile, videos have surfaced of a Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) colonel firing a light machine gun, along with footage of some army personnel discharging their weapons. These incidents raise questions about the military’s actual involvement in the unrest. Historically perceived as the ultimate arbiter of regime change, the military’s actions have not been widely criticized yet in order to protect its legitimacy.
The Global Community’s Role
The response of the global community will be crucial in determining the future trajectory of Bangladesh. International pressure, particularly on the military – which earns significant income as a major contributor to UN peacekeeping forces and has reportedly used UN-branded vehicles for its deployments – or on the government to adopt democratic reforms, could significantly influence the resolution of the current crisis. However, this dependency is mutual, as the UN will likely struggle to replace Bangladeshi forces in the short term without jeopardizing their peacekeeping missions. Nobel laureate Mohammad Yunus has already called on the international community to take the lead in restoring democracy in Bangladesh. Diplomats have begun confronting the Awami League (AL) government over its violent crackdown on students. Aside from Washington, London, and Brussels, which have been relatively quiet about the autocratization process over the past decade, the big question is how India will position itself. The Indian government has long been a supporter of Sheikh Hasina’s AL government and maintains close ties with the Bangladeshi military and state security forces. India’s main priority is not to lose its influence in what it considers its backyard to China or Pakistan, which have traditionally closer ties to the opposition BNP and Jamaat, respectively. So far, the Indian government has been cautious about commenting on the events, calling them an “internal matter”. However, the level of violence may make it difficult for the Indian government to maintain its support. At the same time, protests have been organized around the world demanding for justice and the resignation of Sheikh Hasina. Interestingly, Kolkata in India has seen unprecedented student demonstrations in solidarity with the quota movements and against the Sheikh Hasina government, which may be an early indication of a shift in India’s position on the AL regime. Mamta Banerjee, the Chief Minister of West Bengal, has vowed to keep the doors open to the “helpless people,” while remaining somewhat vague about her broader political stance.
Conclusion
Whatever scenario unfolds, there is no return to the pre-protest status quo for the government. The violence has been too severe, making the regime’s downfall seem inevitable eventually, though the timeline remains uncertain. It is worth noting that it took almost three years after Noor Hossain’s death for military dictator Ershad to be ousted by pro-democracy movements in the late 1980s and early 1990s. What is clear is that the resilience and determination of Bangladesh’s students stand as a testament to their enduring legacy of political activism for justice, democracy, and the soul of the nation. The coming weeks and months will be crucial in determining the course of Bangladesh’s political future, and the world should watch closely, as the stakes could not be higher.
About the Author
Julian Kuttig is a distinguished postdoctoral research fellow at Ghent University’s Department of Conflict and Development Studies, with a focus on the intersection of student politics and authoritarianism in Bangladesh. He has written extensively on topics such as student politics, the role of social media, autocratization, and local leadership formation in Bangladesh. Julian’s PhD dissertation delved into the everyday negotiation of public order in urban Bangladesh, examining the mechanisms and practices of party politics in provincial cities. His research has been published in esteemed international peer-reviewed journals, including “The Journal of Asian Studies,” and in edited volumes by Cambridge and Oxford University Press.
OpenEdition suggests that you cite this post as follows:
Julian Kuttig (July 24, 2024). The Battle for Bangladesh: Students Lead the Charge Against Autocracy. Global Dynamics. Retrieved April 27, 2025 from https://doi.org/10.58079/1236i